Post by Admin on Feb 6, 2024 15:43:30 GMT
In the book Why Are They Back?, which examines the return of fascism in Germany, we explained:
If the ruling elite’s conspiracy in 1933 was based on an existing fascist movement, today the opposite is true. The rise of the AfD is the product of such a conspiracy. It cannot be understood without examining the role of the government, the state apparatus, the parties, the media and the ideologues in the universities that pave the way for it.
The book deals in particular with how the atrocities of the Nazis are being trivialised at German universities in order to make right-wing extremist positions acceptable and to cleanse German militarism of its historic crimes so as “to revive the goals [of German imperialism] of two world wars.”
When we criticized Humboldt Professor Jörg Baberowski for declaring in Der Spiegel that Hitler was “not vicious” and that the Holocaust was essentially the same as mass shootings during the Russian civil war, representatives of all parliamentary parties and most media outlets jumped to the side of the far-right professor. When dozens of student councils and thousands of students adopted the SGP’s criticism and protested against right-wing extremist doctrine, the secret service intervened and put the SGP on the list of extremist organizations.
The Maassen case shows how correct our assessment was. The right-wing extremist terrorist networks in the state apparatus and the fascist AfD are not foreign bodies in an otherwise healthy organism but the worst symptoms of a terminally sick system. As in the first half of the 20th century, capitalism leads to extreme forms of inequality and increasingly brutal imperialist wars. This is evident in the NATO war against Russia and Israel’s genocide against the Palestinians.
The German ruling class is once again playing a particularly aggressive role in the global eruption of imperalist war. It is openly preparing for a direct war against Russia and is massively rearming the military to make Germany “able to wage war” again. In refugee policy, too, the programme of the extreme right has long been government policy. As recently as 18 January, the Bundestag, with the votes of the governing SPD, Green, and FDP coalition parties, passed the so-called “Repatriation Improvement Act,” which lays the basis for the mass deportation of refugees.
This ruthless policy can only be enforced with the methods of dictatorship and fascism against the enormous opposition of the population. That is why the far right is strengthened and courted by all parties—not only in Germany, but all over the world. Everywhere, the ruling class is turning to dictatorial forms of rule.
But resistance to this is also growing all over the world. The mass demonstrations that have been taking place against the AfD for weeks show how great the opposition to the return of fascism and war is in Germany. But they also pose the question of political perspective in the most urgent possible terms. In the struggle against the fascist right, no trust can be placed in the bourgeois state apparatus and the parties that defend it and capitalism and court the right.
Only an international movement of the working class against capitalism can stop war and fascism.
www.wsws.org/en/articles/2024/02/06/ggtz-f06.html
www.wsws.org/en
If the ruling elite’s conspiracy in 1933 was based on an existing fascist movement, today the opposite is true. The rise of the AfD is the product of such a conspiracy. It cannot be understood without examining the role of the government, the state apparatus, the parties, the media and the ideologues in the universities that pave the way for it.
The book deals in particular with how the atrocities of the Nazis are being trivialised at German universities in order to make right-wing extremist positions acceptable and to cleanse German militarism of its historic crimes so as “to revive the goals [of German imperialism] of two world wars.”
When we criticized Humboldt Professor Jörg Baberowski for declaring in Der Spiegel that Hitler was “not vicious” and that the Holocaust was essentially the same as mass shootings during the Russian civil war, representatives of all parliamentary parties and most media outlets jumped to the side of the far-right professor. When dozens of student councils and thousands of students adopted the SGP’s criticism and protested against right-wing extremist doctrine, the secret service intervened and put the SGP on the list of extremist organizations.
The Maassen case shows how correct our assessment was. The right-wing extremist terrorist networks in the state apparatus and the fascist AfD are not foreign bodies in an otherwise healthy organism but the worst symptoms of a terminally sick system. As in the first half of the 20th century, capitalism leads to extreme forms of inequality and increasingly brutal imperialist wars. This is evident in the NATO war against Russia and Israel’s genocide against the Palestinians.
The German ruling class is once again playing a particularly aggressive role in the global eruption of imperalist war. It is openly preparing for a direct war against Russia and is massively rearming the military to make Germany “able to wage war” again. In refugee policy, too, the programme of the extreme right has long been government policy. As recently as 18 January, the Bundestag, with the votes of the governing SPD, Green, and FDP coalition parties, passed the so-called “Repatriation Improvement Act,” which lays the basis for the mass deportation of refugees.
This ruthless policy can only be enforced with the methods of dictatorship and fascism against the enormous opposition of the population. That is why the far right is strengthened and courted by all parties—not only in Germany, but all over the world. Everywhere, the ruling class is turning to dictatorial forms of rule.
But resistance to this is also growing all over the world. The mass demonstrations that have been taking place against the AfD for weeks show how great the opposition to the return of fascism and war is in Germany. But they also pose the question of political perspective in the most urgent possible terms. In the struggle against the fascist right, no trust can be placed in the bourgeois state apparatus and the parties that defend it and capitalism and court the right.
Only an international movement of the working class against capitalism can stop war and fascism.
www.wsws.org/en/articles/2024/02/06/ggtz-f06.html
www.wsws.org/en